烈血大风暴

It was a hot Sunday afternoon in June of 1964 when three young civil-rights workers - Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman and James Chaney - were arrested on a trumped-up speeding charge outside Philadelphia, Miss. They were held for eight hours, then released in the deepening darkness of rural Mississippi. By prearrangement, they were again stopped on a lonely road by the same Neshoba County deputy sheriff who had arrested them earlier, this time accompanied by a party of Ku Klux Klansmen. They were murdered in cold blood, transported to an earthen dam several miles away and buried with a bulldozer.

More than 150 F.B.I. agents ultimately descended on Neshoba County to investigate the disappearance of the civil-rights workers, two of them, Goodman and Schwerner, whites from New York, and the third, Chaney, a black who lived in Neshoba County.

It was 44 days before the investigators penetrated the racist veil of silence that enveloped the case and found the bodies. Goodman, horribly, had a ball of the Mississippi clay in which he was buried squeezed tightly in his hand, indicating that he had not been dead when the bulldozer sealed him into the makeshift grave.

Another three years passed before some of those responsible, Neshoba County Deputy Sheriff Cecil Price and six others, including Klan Imperial Wizard Sam Bowers, were convicted of civil-rights violations and given prison terms of up to 10 years. None served more than five. There is no Federal murder statute covering such crimes, and no state charges against the men were ever brought in Mississippi.

Those are the facts - the ''true facts'' as some put it in these days of relative reality - on which the British director Alan Parker's film ''Mississippi Burning'' is based. It stars Gene Hackman as the Mississippi-sheriff-turned-F.B.I.-agent, whose own violent tactics ultimately break the case when orthodox methods fail, and Willem Dafoe as the young, by-the-book Justice Department official who finally but grudgingly acquiesces to Hackman's tactics. Locally, the film opens Friday at the Loews Tower East and at Loews 84th Street Six.

The facts of the case are shocking to the sensibilities as well as the emotions, and their depiction by Mr. Parker, known for ''Angel Heart'' and ''Midnight Express,'' leaves little to the imagination. But he does not shrink from inventing dramatic embellishments to capture - and shake - a wider audience.

''I'm trying to reach an entire generation who knows nothing of that historical event,'' Mr. Parker said in a telephone interview, ''to cause them to react to it viscerally, emotionally, because of the racism that's around them now. And that's enough of a reason, a justification, for the fictionalizing.''

The film's opening credits are overlaid on the roaring blaze of a burning church, the scene moving immediately to the lonely back road where the murder of the three young men is re-created with graphic realism. The names of the victims are never mentioned, and other names and details are changed, but the killing itself is eerily close to the reality that is starkly revealed in court records and F.B.I. documents - although the actual victims were led away before being killed.

To those familiar with that place and time, the brutal intimidation of the black people of Neshoba County, also a historic reality although compressed in time, is evocative. When Mr. Dafoe, as a dedicated but inept investigator, makes a public point of sitting in the black section of a restaurant and talking to a young black man, the black is later brutally beaten by Klansmen. Whether the actual event happened is moot; such beatings occurred. Churches and homes are torched in the film, and that, too, is very much the way much of it happened. From June of 1964 to January of '65, just six months, K.K.K. nightriders burned 31 black churches across Mississippi, according to F.B.I. records. So, Mr. Parker does not greatly exaggerate in a film that literally crackles with racial hate.

Onto the basic framework of fact, the screenwriter Chris Gerolmo and Mr. Parker graft considerable artistic fabrication, chiefly concerning the F.B.I.'s investigation of the case, and say it is essentially a ''work of fiction.''

Yet, much of the power of ''Mississippi Burning'' derives from the audience's knowledge that the essential horror it is witnessing onscreen really happened. Even the title of the movie is the actual F.B.I. code name for the investigation. Many details are drawn from life.

''You didn't leave me nothin' but a nigger,'' says James Chaney's killer in the film. ''But at least I killed me a nigger.'' That piece of dialogue comes directly from F.B.I. files, the confession of one of the participants.

There are any number of reasons for turning fact into fiction for the purposes of making a movie, not the least of them the legal difficulties involved in portraying numerous lives, many unsympathetically. But in this case, fiction enables Mr. Parker to have his factual cake, so to speak, while spooning it out richly slathered with fictional icing. Indeed, a legion of dark-suited F.B.I. men are shown nervously wading waist-deep into a fetid Mississippi swamp in search of the missing men's car, and Mr. Parker, who used various locations in Mississippi and Alabama, casts local people for some atmospherics, like on-the-street TV interviews.

For those who know such places, Mr. Parker, who is English, evokes the texture, the gritty, fly-specked Southernness, the brooding sense of small-town menace, the racial hatred, with considerable accuracy. Even much of the violence, the beatings, burnings and lynchings, are perhaps defensible because they are central to the reality. But there also seems to be violence for the sake of it, and Mr. Hackman's portrayal of an F.B.I. man, even in the purest of fictions, beggars Clint Eastwood.

Mr. Parker and Mr. Gerolmo defend the fiction on the ground that there were numerous suggestions - none ever proven - of F.B.I. excesses, but more importantly on the ground that it makes the story all the more emotionally affecting.

But the reality itself is powerful. Those who never ventured into the rural South in the 1960's might find much of it hard to believe - that backcountry lawmen belonged to the Klan, covered up killings and beatings, and were proud to tell you that N.A.A.C.P. stood for ''niggers, apes, alligators, coons and possums,'' as the fictional but all-too-real sheriff tells reporters in ''Mississippi Burning.''

Those of us who did cover the rural Deep South in those days heard that sort of thing, and worse, virtually every day; scarcely a week went by without a burning cross flickering somewhere against the soft velvet backdrop of the Southern sky.

It was a time when more than one Mississippi judge was said to wear a black robe by day and a white one by night, and while it might be an exaggeration to suggest that most white Mississippians supported the Klan, it is fair to say that few of them - with notable and courageous exceptions - had the temerity to speak against it.

For 44 days, F.B.I. agents searched for the bodies of those three missing men before finding them. But, gruesomely, they did find several others they weren't seeking, one a 14-year-old boy, never identified, wearing a CORE T-shirt and those of two black men, eventually found to have been the victims of Klan murder. (Those interested in similar details of the Schwerner-Goodman-Chaney murders should read a meticulously researched nonfiction book by Seth Cagin and Philip Dray, ''We Are Not Afraid,'' published by Macmillan and based on F.B.I. records and exhaustive interviews.) That was the way it was in Mississippi in those days, and painful as it is to relive it, ''Mississippi Burning'' serves to remind us with extraordinary force just how bad it was.

But Mr. Parker and Mr. Gerolmo heighten the reality. The real-life truth of the F.B.I.'s long investigation in Neshoba County was that it was neither very efficient, nor, in the end, particularly dramatic.

In the film, the key revelation in the case comes when Mr. Hackman, at once courtly and cynical, uses seduction as a means of obtaining information. The reality is less romantic. The actual ''seduction'' was a $30,000 F.B.I. payoff to a Klan informant.

Mr. Gerolmo said in a telephone interview that ''the fact that no one knew who Mr. X, the informant, was, left that as a dramatic possibility for me, in my Hollywood movie version of the story. That's why Mr. X became the wife of one of the conspirators. That's it - we're making up a story about the facts.''

The re-enactment of the unearthing of the bodies - filmed, with some discretion, from a distance in the humming heat of a Mississippi August - is wrenching, sickening. Yet that, too, is how it happened.

But it is more or less at this point in the film, which had so far been fairly faithful to the record, that Mr. Parker and his scriptwriter go for broke.

To find out who put the bodies in the dam, Mr. Hackman brings in a black bureau ''specialist'' (as an incidental fact, the F.B.I. had no black agents in those days) who, posing as a vengeful black Mississippian, kidnaps and threatens to castrate the bound-and-gagged Mayor if he doesn't reveal the names of the conspirators. To make his point, the kidnapper drops the terrified man's trousers and brandishes a razor blade. The black man describes the horrifying castration of a black youngster by Klansmen and says he intends to do the same to the Mayor unless he talks. He talks.

The razor-wielding ''agent'' is, however, a kind of twice-incarnated fiction. Mr. Gerolmo said he originally wrote the character as a Mafia hit man who forces a confession from one of the conspirators by putting a pistol in his mouth. That, he said, was based on ''a rumor'' circulated in Mississippi at that time, never corroborated.

''In the original screenplay, I wrote the story as I heard it, that there was a Mafioso who owed the F.B.I. a favor who was persuaded to come up and hold a gun in a conspirator's mouth until he told them what they needed to know. Then Alan [ Parker ] was inspired to change that in detail, but basically the spirit was the same.''

Mr. Parker said in interviews that he transformed the Mafia hit man to a black F.B.I. agent as ''almost a metaphor for what was happening in real life, the assertion of black anger, and black rights reasserting themselves.''

By the same token, he said the agent's description of the castration of a young black man was taken from a factual description of a real castration of a black man by a Klansman.

Mr. Parker said, moreover, that preview audiences found the scene the most powerful in the film.

In reality, according to Mr. Cagin, Mr. Dray and other researchers, the F.B.I. relentlessly dogged two shaky participants in the killings -one of whom made indiscreet comments to a friend, who passed them on to the F.B.I., who in turn threatened them with long jail sentences, paid them for information and ultimately arranged plea bargains for lesser sentences in exchange for their cooperation. It took nearly three years.

In the film, all this becomes clever but brutal F.B.I. dirty tricks, including a staged lynching of a Klan conspirator in which he is ''rescued'' at the last minute by other agents.

''When it came to me, the already fictionalized treatment of that script depended upon the F.B.I. not necessarily behaving in such a noble way,'' Mr. Parker said, adding, ''They did resort to rather underhanded methods.'' Castration threats? Staged lynchings? ''In the end,'' said Mr. Parker, ''I will stand by it, because in the end I think I would behave the same way.''

Mr. Parker handles the question cinematically with an exchange in which by-the-book Dafoe accuses get-results Hackman of dragging him into the gutter with the crude tactics. Hackman's response is that that is precisely where the Klan came from.

''It is a fiction,'' said Mr. Parker. ''It's a movie. There have been a lot of documentaries on the subject. They run on PBS and nobody watches them. I have to reach a big audience, so hopefully the film is accessible to reach millions of people in 50 different countries.

''It's fiction in the same way that 'Platoon' and 'Apocalypse Now' are fictions of the Vietnam War. But the important thing is the heart of the truth, the spirit,'' he said. ''I keep coming back to truth, but I defend the right to change it in order to reach an audience who knows nothing about the realities and certainly don't watch PBS documentaries.

''The proof in the end will be how it reaches an audience.'' SHORT MEMORIES

Although Neshoba County, Miss., was the actual setting for the grisly events of ''Mississippi Burning'' and the locus of one of the turning points of the civil-rights struggle of the 1960's, it is even today not a place where politicians like to remind voters of just how bad things were.

When Ronald Reagan took his 1980 campaign for the Presidency to the Neshoba County Fair in Philadelphia, Miss., not many miles distant from the lonely dirt road where those civil-rights workers were killed, he made no mention of the racial murder and its attempted cover-up. Instead, he talked about ''state's rights,'' which many Southern blacks regard as shorthand for the purported right of a state like Mississippi to ignore desegregation laws.

In 1983, when the space hero John Glenn appeared at the fair, he pointedly omitted his usual detailed criticism of President Reagan for failing to enforce the civil-rights laws, and on television later hailed ''the old values, the old traditions that are epitomized by the fair.''

Michael Dukakis made a campaign appearance at the fair, a major political event, on Aug. 4, 1988, 24 years to the day after the bodies of the three young civil-rights workers were dug from the dirt dam where they had been buried. Mr. Dukakis did not even mention their names, telling his mostly white audience only that the anniversary was ''a special day.''

这是一部老电影。翻出来重温，不仅仅是应景。

近一个多月来，因黑人乔治·弗洛伊德被白人警察“锁颈”虐杀，全美各地及西方世界的多国城市，爆发了波起云涌的"Black Lives Matter"抗议浪潮。回看三十多年前的电影，回顾上世纪六十年代的民权运动，令人唏嘘不已。根深蒂固的种族问题不可能一朝一夕间彻底解决。在美国，白人种族主义者还大有人在，只是在上世纪六十年代波澜壮阔、可歌可泣的民权运动之后，由公开的叫嚣和猖狂，潜伏进了心灵的暗角。川普的上台，把那些深藏的种族主义魔鬼释放了出来。不仅一些盎格鲁白人深藏着种族主义的魔鬼，一些亚裔一些华人，尽管在盎格鲁白人眼里也处在种族序列的低端，却在歧视黑人上一样的面目丑陋。

"I can’t breathe"——那么多年过去了，仍然有人因为自己的肤色而感到窒息。这是美国的耻辱，人类的悲哀。

另一部老片《炎热的夜晚》 (1967) ，拍摄于民权运动正盛的年代。

上世纪六十年代，南方密西西比的一个小镇，北方来投资建厂的一位商人横尸街头，车站候车的黑人男士成为嫌疑人遭到逮捕……

种族题材的电影，获当年奥斯卡最佳影片奖。现在来看，主题直露，正邪人物泾渭分明，当属好莱坞的主旋律套路。不过，反种族歧视的主题没有过时。川普治下的美国，又重现了当年南方的景象，憋屈了很久的盎格鲁白人又可肆无忌惮地发泄对有色人种的轻蔑和仇恨。

进入二十一世纪后，种族题材的电影仍然热度不减，总能在奥斯卡奖的提名榜单上见到，2019年第91届奥斯卡奖最佳影片提名更有三部上榜，《绿皮书》最终摘取桂冠。这反映了作为自由派重镇的好莱坞鲜明的反种族歧视的立场。

2020上映的新片《正义的慈悲》，由《少年收容所》导演德斯汀·克里顿执导，改编自美国伟大的民权律师布莱恩·史蒂文森同名非虚构作品。1862年林肯签署解放黑奴宣言（1863年1月1日生效），1865年4月南方邦联投降，至6月19日（Juneteenth）得克萨斯州宣布解放黑奴，标志美国奴隶制终结。但黑人的公民权并未得到保障，制度性（systematic）的种族歧视仍然广泛存在。经过整整一百年的不懈抗争，特别是1952年开始的民权运动，到1964年美国国会通过《民权法案》，第二年又通过了《投票权法案》，从制度上消除了对黑人的种族歧视。然而，制度性歧视消除了，主要植根于人内心的系统性（systemic）歧视并未随之消失。

反种族歧视道阻且长，还未有穷期。

很多时候我们谈论独裁统治的时候会提到纳粹党，这几乎是一种条件反射，纳粹的罪行自然是被部分人“津津乐道”，然而之所以纳粹被人谈论，本质原因还是在于这个党派在二战期间犯下的罪行。因为排他性，因为针对性因为民族性等等，基本上在二战后，有着这些特性的党派或者团体就会被称之为纳粹。然而那些没有被称之为纳粹的党派或者团体就一定很干净吗？至少今天给大家推荐的影片中的这个团体不是的。

《烈血大风暴》是一部讲述美国臭名昭著的党派三K党的故事，故事发生在1964年，三个民权主义的少年被三K党劫持或者是杀害了，于是，联邦调查局的探员奉命调查这件事情。在来到了这个小镇之后，两位探员发现眼前的一些不一般，小镇上的白人跟黑人之间泾渭分明，而那些警察们却个个与三K党有关联，受伤害的人不敢反抗，只能屈从。

了解到小镇现状的两位探员无从下手，而此时此刻，新的刑事案件不断发生，他们必须做出抉择来制止或者是同流合污。然而传统的案件办理程序却没法在小镇上有效展开，两位探员们决定铤而走险，用自己的方式来剿灭小镇上的三K党余孽。

如果你单单看《烈血大风暴》并不会有特别的触动，原因就在于本片的叙事逻辑并没有脱离一般的警匪片的框架而存在。两位联邦调查局探员去奉命侦破一起案件，这起案件牵扯到小镇上的所有的警察，而他们通过常规手法没有办法将这些犯罪者绳之以法的时候，就选择了用特殊的手段来达到自己的目的，最终他们的手段奏效了，坏人被逮捕入狱了。

这样的故事并不能让很多人感兴趣，但如果回顾一下本片中描绘的时间背景，《烈血大风暴》真正的意义就显现出来了。你甚至可以将它当作是一部纪录片，记录什么呢？记录发生在1964年的联邦调查局针对美国国内的三K党的猖獗而制定的“反情报计划”。

这个计划有什么优势呢？这个计划的本质核心就是通过渗透，假情报，以暴制暴的手段来达到分化，挫败以及最终剿灭极端组织的目的。而在本片中，这种计划奏效了，在现实中，这种计划也奏效了。这就是本片的有意义，超越了一般的警匪片的意义。因为本片就是这一计划的直接呈现，它足以让观众们感受到这一计划的意义所在。

片中两个探员通过这样的方式成功将小镇上的三K党送进了监狱，小镇上的居民们无不拍手称快，而现实中的联邦调查局的这一计划并不仅仅是用来针对三K党的，著名的黑人运动领袖马丁路德金的组织也被这样的计划渗透。这就有意思多了。

三K党会因为这样的计划彻底分化瓦解吗？自然是不。时至今日，三K党依旧是存在于美国的角角落落，只不过现实中的三K党不再明目张胆的进行各种各样的活动了。而他们从美国的南北战争开始一直到现代，犯下的罪行罄竹难书，但是有哪一个西方媒体人或者是创作者们会认为三K党属于纳粹？没有，之所以将三K党与纳粹分开，自然是因为三K党是美国的一个社会团体，即使他们曾经犯下了累累罪行，也不会将他们归于纳粹。这就很好笑了。

因此，一旦美国等西方媒体用纳粹来定义某一个团体或者政党的时候，我们一定要看看是不是这个团体和政党跟美国的先行的政府或者利益团体产生了冲突，如果是，那么问题便迎刃而解了。纳粹这个名称就如同一个文化武器，一旦你与美国的现实利益相悖，这个帽子就会扣到你的头上。而美国自己的国土上出现的三K党，即使他们烧杀抢夺无恶不作，即使他们也奉行希特勒的排他主义，即使他们也对于所谓的“他”残忍的杀戮，但他们就是不会被冠以“纳粹”，即使他们有着纳粹的行为。

美国政府在1964年之所以对三K党予以剿灭，原因并不在于本片中所展示出来的对于民权运动的年轻人的尊重或者是对于与黑人的生存状况的担忧，他们最根本的目的在于防止三K党形成一个社会力量，从南北战争结束后一直到现在，主导美国的是北方的工业阵营，而三K党多源于南方的种植园主后裔，他们自然不愿意接受由工业阵营统治的美国，如果三K党发展壮大切成了一定的团体规模，那么对于美国的国内形式稳定就形成了挑战，这是美国人不愿意看到的。

因此，针对于三K党的“反情报计划”应运而生，而美国当时的所有社会团体也因为这个计划最终走向了衰亡。这或许才是真相。

……

你好，再见

司法\行政\执法3环失效，经济衰落

没有正常的教育和职业培训，一代又一代人处于低就业、低技能,只有穷白人和穷黑人（有资源的人迁了他处）。

靠煽动的原教旨来凝聚穷人来对抗假想敌、和异己,弱势群体压迫弱势群体,然后恶性循环，3环失效，经济更加衰败。。。。。。

所以必须要从第一条规则开始清理，双刃出鞘（标准的agent和乱世的FBI），以正视听。

然后，尘埃就落定，有了植被，才能开花结果......

第一次看到片名(烈血暴潮)，以为是黑帮片。我点进去看，有另一个片名(密西西比在燃烧)，曾经我好像哪里听到过，于是饶有兴趣的去看了这本经典佳作:
1964年，在美国密西西比州，三K党徒劫持了一辆载有三名民权主义者的旅行车，其中包括两名白人和一名黑人。从此，他们失去了联系。联邦调查局派出两名特工(艾伦·沃德和鲁珀特安德森)来调查此案。沃德是一个年轻，充满原则性，和理想主义的人，注重程序。鲁珀特是一个老练，懂得人情世故，懂得变通的现实主义者，不特别在意程序。调查困难重重，当地人都不对他们说实话，两人也是时常冲突。当地的三K党以袭击黑人和火烧教堂作为回答。鲁珀特意外结识了副警长的太太，他认为她可能是知情人，真相缓缓浮现...
白人与黑人之间的冲突是本片核心矛盾，3K党与黑人之间的暴力事件以及当地白人对黑人的冷漠，造成这种原因可能是从小的文化熏陶，黑人与白人是不相干预的两种文化，黑人也在自己的区域生活，没有过多权利的要求。形成了一种隐形的社会隔阂，白人欲求这种稳定，初心是好的，都想推动社会的稳定与发展。但在平权运动风起云涌的六十年代，这种稳定开始被打破，发生了各种白人袭击黑人的事件，造成社会的不稳定。黑人进白人的学校要有警车护送。在密西西比人看来，正是北方那些以精英自居的人干涉南方各行其是的文化，造成社会动荡。密西西比在燃烧，三K党徒的面目也让人看清。当地人的人性中的善良一年也被唤醒，像那个警察的妻子，内心无比痛苦，道出真相，成为突破本案的关键。社会的稳定不是考靠一个种族去消灭另一个种族可以换来的。
本片深刻展现了三K党对黑人的残害以及揭露了社会黑暗的矛盾。吉恩哈克曼扮演的鲁珀特和威廉达福扮演的沃德表现得精彩绝伦，一个现实者和一个理想者两人正好互补。他们代表着两类人:一类带着理想主义气质，一类带着现实主义色彩，但都是价值观上平等的人。那个时代，价值观上达成共识才能一起推动社会向着平等自由转型。对现代社会来说也具有非常高的借鉴意义。

The movie Mississippi Burning talked about a story happened in 1964. Ku Klux Klan (KKK) members murdered three civil right workers. Two FBI investigators came to the town to investigate and try to find the missing people. However, the investigation work was not easy for the two FBI agents because almost all of the police officers in that town were related to a huge KKK organization. KKK was an anti-immigration, white nationalism, and white supremacy group that used violence and threats to maintain white people’s supremacy against black people and white republicans. In the movie, the young agent Alan and the more experienced agent Anderson were trying to find out what had happened to the missing people and get information from the people in the town.
As the investigation proceeded, Alan and Anderson realized that even the victims (black group) would not want to provide information because they were afraid they would get retaliated. The local people were not co-operative with the FBI either because they hated people from Washington for political issues. The movie disclosed several conflicts within that period of 1960s: discrimination between white and black, political conflicts between north and south, conflicts between equality and patriarchy, justice and injustice.
Although the society seemed stabilized as most white people in the south did not attack black people, white community and black community did not communicate with each other, and the relationships were still not harmonious during that period. At the very beginning of the movie, Alan and Anderson walked into a restaurant and sat in the “colored area” because the “white area” was full. This behavior was deemed to be socially unacceptable in that town. All the white people in the restaurant were staring at Alan, and even black people would not want to respond to Alan’s questions because they were used to the way how “white” and “black” never talk.
As the society was revolutionizing, more people realized the society must be changed. The relationship and civil rights must be changed. Some people were trying to promote the civil right movement. KKK members were actually opposing this movement, and this is why KKK would murder so many black people as well as the civil right workers. Ironically, the movement was meant to make black people have better lives, but it actually created tragedies.
Another big conflict reflected in the movie was the intense relationship between north and south. Ever since after the civil war, Mississippi people thought that the northern “well-educated people” interfered Mississippi’s culture and society, which made the society chaotic. The chaos challenged both Alan and Anderson. They tried to stand for what they always believed, which is justice, but they reality was that the conflict and fight were getting more severe. They questioned whether they were doing the right things or not, as they found more and more black people got retaliated or even murdered.
At the end of the movie, the police officer’s wife helped Anderson with providing evidence about what KKK did. She had always been feeling uncomfortable with knowing what her husband did, so she told the truth. She sacrificed herself for providing FBI agents with important information, and eventually the KKK member were prosecuted.
After watching the movie, I felt very sad about what happened in Mississippi in 1960s. The movie not only told us what was about the civil rights movements, but also why we needed this movement.