“乱耳飞舞组”制作了珠玉在前的字幕,完成了绝大部分汉化工作,但片中的英文访谈及部分西语旁白依然缺少双语字幕,看起来不太容易。
我连听带蒙,对照法语字幕译制了缺失的内容,将文字稿存放于此,另需ass格式补充字幕的朋友可私信我。
西语我完全不懂,纯靠机翻,英语能力也一般,所以纰漏很多。
注:片中英语受访者为时任美国驻智利大使, Edward M. Korry .
英文访谈一(19:07~21:17):
Q:So, how much money then was given to Allende's opponent and what was it for?
美国当时向阿连德的反对者支付了多少钱,目的是什么?
A: It was a total of $2.7 million dollar was spent through the CIA for the election in 64. And many millions more were given by people contacted by the United States, In Europe and in the private and public sectors. So that the Christian democratic party of Italy, the Vatican, The Royal Household of Belgium, Of the Netherlands, the German Christian Democratic Party, and many others for private organizations of Catholic Church in the United States.
为了1964年的选举,中央情报局总共花了270万美元。美国、欧洲的私人、公共部门的还额外提供了数百万美元。其中包括意大利基督教民主党、梵蒂冈、比利时以及荷兰皇室、 德国基督教民主党以及许多其他的私人美国天主教组织。
Q: So what was the money for?
这些钱的用途是?
A: The money was for the enormous propaganda campaign in the first place on behalf of Frei and warning about the communist threat.
这笔钱首先用于弗雷的大规模宣传,并用于警告communist。
注: Eduardo Frei Montalva,爱德华多·弗雷·蒙塔尔瓦,基督教民主党,1964-1970智利总统
Q: Can you tell me a little bit about kind of began to campaign it was.
你能告诉我他们具体是如何运作的吗。
A: Propaganda campaign of 64 was exactly what they tried to do again in 1970. And what I as a young journalist in Italy in 1948 had seen exactly the same sort of stuff. It was a Soviet tank pointing against that Italian. Because of 48 in Italy, Christian Democrat the Gasperi against the great Communist leader, Togliatti,the biggest communist party in Europe.
1970年他们试图重演1964年的宣传运动。我年轻时(1948年)在意大利做记者,看到过完全相同的事情,那是一辆指向意大利人的苏联坦克。当时的意大利,基督教民主党人加斯佩里正在反对意共的领导者陶里亚蒂。意共那时是欧洲最大的communist party。
注:Palmiro Togliatti 帕尔米罗·陶里亚蒂,意共创始人之一,意大利工运和国际共运活动家。
注:Alcide De Gasperi 阿尔奇德·德加斯佩里,意大利政治家,天主教民主党领导人,连续八次担任总理,战后意大利全面复兴的奠基人和开拓者,欧洲一体化运动的创始人之一。
注:1948年,美国通过各种手段干涉意大利选举,阻碍意共通过选举组建内阁。
Q:So what was the goal of all that?
这一切的目的是什么?
A: The goal was to create the pillar of democratic stability to be the counter pillar to the Castro message of Socialist, Marxism, Leninism.
其目标是建立稳定的民主的支柱, 反对卡斯特罗的 Socialist, Marxism, Leninism。
英文访谈二(26:56~29:04):
Q: What was Nixon's reaction to Allende's election?
尼克松对阿连德当选的反应是什么?
A: I was not there, but I can tell you what we know to be a fact he ordered the CIA to prevent Allende from assuming the Presidency.
我当时不在场,但我可以告诉你我所知道的事实:他命令中情局阻止阿连德担任总统。
Q: How?
他是如何操作的?
A: How he ordered them I'm not sure. He just said he did not wish Allende to go from being president, elect being the actual president that is to be inaugurated. And he told the CIA to do it whatever way it could.
我不确定尼克松的具体命令。 他只是说自己不希望阿连德成为经由选举产生的正式就职的总统。 他让中情局尽一切手段阻止阿连德当选。
Q: Did it include a military coup?
包括军事Zheng B?
A: It certainly included a military coup and indeed they tried to get me to lean on the Chilean military. Right after Allend was elected, and what happened was three of the top generals met with our military attache and said:" what would the United States like us to do" ,in effect asking us to support a coup.
当然。 他们试图让我依靠智利军队。在阿连德当选后,三位高级将领会见了我们的武官并询问:“美国希望我们做什么?” 实际上是希望我们支持政变。
西文旁白一(28:02~28:27):
Pocos días antes que el Congreso ratificará Allende el Gobierno de Nixon, asesinó al comandante en jefe del ejército.
就在国会批准阿连德就职的几天前,尼克松政府暗杀了陆军总司令。
El general René Esnáider, firme defensor de la no intervención de los militares en política.
陆军总司令施耐德德将军是军方不干预政治的坚定支持者 。
En el principal apoyo que Allende tenía en el ejército.
也是阿连德在军队里的主要支持者。
El crimen fue ejecutado por la CIA y un comando, donde también había oficiales chilenos.
暗杀行动是由中情局和智利官员完成的。
英文访谈三(28:29~29:04):
Q: When we're talking about General Schneider's death and the role of CIA. It is known now that arms and ammunition came from Washington into Chile through diplomatic pouch. Did you know about that?
今天当我们谈论中情局在施耐德将军遇刺事件中扮演的角色时,已经知道武器弹药是通过外交邮包从华盛顿运往智利的,在当时你知道这件事吗?
A: Of course not. And because as Kissinger and the President and the CIA testified to the committee, the Committee which I was not allowed to testify to. They said that keep the ambassador out of this, not tell him. But I guessed it.
不知道。 因为基辛格、总统和中央情报局可以向委员会作证, 而那个委员会不允许我作证(我也不太懂这个委员会具体是什么)。 他们说“不要让大使插手,不要告诉他。”但我猜到了。
西文旁白二(29:44~29:48):
El señor Jorge Alessandri, 35 votos.
豪尔赫·亚历山德里先生:35票。
注: Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez 豪尔赫·亚历山德里·罗德里格斯,1958年以独立人士身份当选为智利总统,任内进行国家建设、举办1962年世界杯,实行亲美的外交政策,1964年卸任,1970年再次以独立人士身份竞选总统。
英文访谈四(47:48~49:40):
Q: What was your reaction when Allende was elected?
当阿连德当选时你作何反应?
A: Allende was elected. I said that it was a grave and very serious defeat for the United States.
我认为这对美国来说是重大的失败。
Q: Why?
为什么?
A: Because he had said that the United States was the number one enemy in the hemisphere. He said this over and over again.
因为他曾经反复声称美国西半球半球的头号敌人。
Number two, he was the most slavish admirer of Castro. He has spend six months in China, admiring the work of the Mao Tse Tung government. He was very fond of Ho Chi Minh and Vietnam. He was a fan of Che Guevara.
其次,他是卡斯特罗最忠实的崇拜者,他还在中国考察过六个月,赞赏毛的工作,他也非常喜欢胡志明和越南,是格瓦拉的粉丝。
So we know that although Allende would act in what appeared to be a legal and constitutional manner. It would be designed to eliminate all US influences. It would be designed as a class warfare to eliminate the middle class opposition the bourgeois it would be a class war approach. And it would eventually be Fidelismo without Fidel.
所以虽然我们知道阿连德会遵守宪法和法律,但我们依然认为他的当选将会消除美国的所有影响力,将会导致一场消灭中产阶级、资产阶级的斗争。 最终将演化成为没有菲德尔的菲德尔主义(古巴GM主义)。
Q: So Allende was a threat for the US.
所以阿连德对美国构成了威胁。
A: In judging the creation of a Santiago-Havana axis in Latin America at a time were all the social conditions necessary for revolutions, involving a great deal of unrest and violence. It was not unusual for the United States to see this as a highly destabilizing influence and an extension of Soviet influence.
在判断拉丁美洲的“圣地亚哥-哈瓦那轴心”的建立时,所有的社会条件都是革命所必要的,包括大量的动荡和暴力。对美国来说,这种极度不稳定以及苏联影响力的扩张并不罕见。
英文访谈五(55:58~56:02):
Q: What did Nixon tell you when you met with him at the White House?
尼克松在白宫见你时给你说了什么?
A: He greeted me by his very warmly and said to Henry: "Ambassador always tells it like it is." And he launched into 5 or 6 minutes disquisition on how he was going to smash Allende. He keep on fist into his hand. But he said he was going to do it destroy. Do it economically. They was going to squeeze them economically.
他热情地向我打招呼,然后对亨利(基辛格)说: “大使总是实话实说。” 然后他一边阐述自己关于打倒阿连德的计划, 一边把拳头砸在手心里,他说要通过经济手段制裁阿连德。
Q: How did he call Allende?
他怎么称呼阿连德?
A: Call him the SOB, they orb and I think also a bastard. He said that SOB.
叫"他狗娘养的",他说"那个狗娘养的"。
英文访谈六(1:10:16~1:12:16):
Q: How did you feel in 1973 when you learn that Allende was dead?
1973年,当得知阿连德去世时你作何感想?
A: He sold the seed and you're going to harvest what you have sown. And Allende said from the beginning: he was trying, he was entering a path to which there were no guides, no president, no example to follow to create a socialism by which he meant a Marxist Leninist society in the peaceful way. He wanted the bourgeoisie to commit suicide happily.
他卖掉了种子,然而播种什么就会收获什么。阿连德从一开始就说自己是在尝试,他要通过一条没有先例可以效仿的道路、以和平的方式创建马列主义的社会。他希望资产阶级快乐地自杀。
Q: Did you agree with that?
你赞同他的看法么?
A: I'm not only denied agree. I thought that was not likely that, as Castro himself said to Allende from the very start:unless you destroy the army, make it into your own instrument. The revolution cannot succeed. That was a lesson that he took from Lenin.
不,我觉得行不通,这是不可能的,就像卡斯特罗一开始就对阿连德说的那样: 除非你摧毁军队,或者把军队变成自己的工具,否则GM是不会成功的。 这是他从列宁那里学到的。
It's just an impossibility. I think Allende was an extraordinarily civilized human being. If he was not such an admirer of the heroes of the Marxist Leninist world of Castro, of Mao, whomever Ho Chi Minh、Che. That left to his own instincts, he would like life to be very comfortable. He would have gladly accepted the deal with the United States. But the other half of him said I have to live up to this model: This imaginary new member of the Pantheon of Marxist Leninist heroes.
然而对阿连德来说这是不可能的,我认为他是一个非常文明的人。 如果他不是这些马克思列宁主义英雄(卡斯特罗、毛、胡志明、格瓦拉 )的崇拜者,那么按照他自己的天性,他会生活得非常舒适,也会乐于和美国达成交易。 但他另一半的人格呼唤他活成一种模范,即:理想中的马列主义英雄万神殿中的新成员。
Venceremos
“政治的尽头是同情心”,越来越理解刘瑜很多年前的这个说法。统治一旦陷入温柔与同理心的泥沼,似乎很容易就会走到尽头,然而功利的马基雅维利主义或许常胜,但对普遍的人的关怀与同情,却是更加值得被铭记的永恒。政治的理想无法促成理想的政治,这是理想的悲剧,也是政治的不幸。“他的自杀既非绝望,也并非浪漫,而是纯粹的现实。”
与智利告别去流亡的起点上需要Guzmán主动去剥落的一层层漆正是强权统治过后的集体遗忘(亦是他的宿命),Allende理想主义者/殉道者形象的消解与重构,Guzmán叙述语气与Allende最后一次演讲接近,是一部清晰的自反作品,然而Allende最后几小时乃至最后数月的心理活动构筑起迷宫,苦苦寻觅得以解禁的智利之战三部曲之后带来了什么?,作为在电影人的第一线Guzmán再次倏然坠入上世纪左翼运动中自己和其他志坚者用影像编织出的乌托邦并不忍戳破,甚至需要墒增理论来抵御对记忆的侵蚀
“有的人活着/他已经死了/有的人死了/他还活着。”情感真挚技术高超,《人民力量之歌》当选庆祝;《蓝色多瑙河》选票神圣(还有一首歌没听出来)轰炸钱币宫震耳欲聋的无声控诉;片尾回溯视角的演讲诗歌。阿连德的人民兑现了诺言,至今仍以记忆保护他,谢谢你古斯曼。有《智利之战》的素材片段,现在看来更惊心动魄。
或许是这部吗100分钟
智利版卢武铉
怀着一份信仰不知能走多远
“He’s suicide was neither desperate nor romantic .It was a realistic act that showed the politics :does not have to bow down before the impossible”没有必要向不可能的妥协屈服
看过,差点看吐了(生理性的)……
Deadman’s Gun
南美的不幸就在于离美国太近。记忆时而浮现,时而再次摇晃,四十年前在地球另一端,事情曾经这样发生,看得恶心。
“看着他被移动,就像觉得父亲的影像消失一样。”
团结的人民永远不会被击败
Guzman的影片应该就基本上补完了。智利之战时期主要是以影像记录历史的在场,后期则是不断尝试以纪录片的形式重建个体和集体的历史记忆。
影像史料价值非凡 书写也可称直笔 Salvador Allende真是现代意义上无与伦比的悲剧英雄 一名真正的Libertarian Socialism 1973.9.11 世界和Santiago一起哭泣
仅从一部纪录片的角度而言,这部纪录片太卓越了。
某方面来说。。。他实在太追星了
我都不知道自己是啥时候,打哪儿把这片子下载下来的……
最好与《圣地亚哥在下雨》、古斯曼的其他作品一起食用。阿连德的成长经历、治理理念、工人的拥戴、当选后面临的困境、最后的自杀。导演不断用影像带我们重回智利的911。
亲爱的。